In the late 1960s, Narendra Modi used to help his brother run a tea-stall at the Gita Mandir bus stand in Ahmedabad, serving fresh buns and hot
cups of tea. Among the regular clients were a bunch of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leaders who used to animatedly discuss political developments for hours at a stretch. Then in his late teens, the Sangh idealogy left a lasting impression on this youngster who was studying political science at that time.
He quit the tea stall to become a swayamsevak and later a full-time pracharak. Forty years later, Modi is emerging as the most potent brew to come out of the Sangh’s stables, with even stalwarts of India Inc fuelling his political ambition to look beyond the boundaries of Gujarat.
There was shock and surprise in January this year when Anil Ambani and Sunil Bharti Mittal, impressed by the fact that the Vibrant Gujarat investment summit had clocked pledges worth $250 billion in these depressed economic conditions, publicly endorsed this “future Prime Minister”.
Other second-rung Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, who are wary of the growing stature of the Gujarat chief minister, reacted with indignation. Modi was quick to declare that his only focus was to see L K Advani as the next prime minister. But then, many in the BJP see Modi’s emergence at the national level as the writing on the wall, given Advani’s advancing age and the absence of any other mass leader and master-strategist in their midst, especially after the demise of Pramod Mahajan.
Advani is right in a way. The BJP’s PM-candidate is no longer seen as the face of Hindutva, a plank the BJP was forced to shed in order to gain acceptability among allies in an era of coalition politics. At the same time, the BJP is keen to use Modi’s exceptional oratorial skills, organisational capacity and image as Hindutva’s poster-boy in other states.
Continue Reading...
cups of tea. Among the regular clients were a bunch of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leaders who used to animatedly discuss political developments for hours at a stretch. Then in his late teens, the Sangh idealogy left a lasting impression on this youngster who was studying political science at that time.
He quit the tea stall to become a swayamsevak and later a full-time pracharak. Forty years later, Modi is emerging as the most potent brew to come out of the Sangh’s stables, with even stalwarts of India Inc fuelling his political ambition to look beyond the boundaries of Gujarat.
There was shock and surprise in January this year when Anil Ambani and Sunil Bharti Mittal, impressed by the fact that the Vibrant Gujarat investment summit had clocked pledges worth $250 billion in these depressed economic conditions, publicly endorsed this “future Prime Minister”.
Other second-rung Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, who are wary of the growing stature of the Gujarat chief minister, reacted with indignation. Modi was quick to declare that his only focus was to see L K Advani as the next prime minister. But then, many in the BJP see Modi’s emergence at the national level as the writing on the wall, given Advani’s advancing age and the absence of any other mass leader and master-strategist in their midst, especially after the demise of Pramod Mahajan.
Advani is right in a way. The BJP’s PM-candidate is no longer seen as the face of Hindutva, a plank the BJP was forced to shed in order to gain acceptability among allies in an era of coalition politics. At the same time, the BJP is keen to use Modi’s exceptional oratorial skills, organisational capacity and image as Hindutva’s poster-boy in other states.
